The 2025 presidential elections in Cameroon already promise to be amongst the most unusual in the nationโs history. What passes for democracy has become a theatre of absurdities: candidates abound, yet none appears to embody the qualities of intellectual depth, moral integrity, and youthful vitality capable of inspiring genuine hope. The 92-year-old incumbent, after 43 years in power, has withdrawn from public campaigning altogether, while insisting โ๐ฝ๐ ๐ ๐ข๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐กโ and treating the citizenry with an indifference so profound that it borders on contempt.
For many voters, this absence is not merely disappointing but a national embarrassmentโan emblem of the regimeโs detachment from its people and a signal that the outcome may already be predetermined. At the same time, the civic space for democratic expression has narrowed, leaving both opposition and electorate constrained. The result is deep voter apathy and a further erosion of trust in the political process.
Yet within this bleak and fragmented field, a new figure has begun to stand out as a potential rallying point for the opposition: ๐๐ฌ๐ฌ๐ ๐๐๐ก๐ข๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ๐ ๐๐๐ค๐๐ซ๐ฒ. A former minister under Biyaโs government, he has broken away from the establishment he once served and now casts himself as a reformist challenger. He is not without flaws, but in a context where credibility and visibility are rare, his candidacy carries weight. At 75, he cannot be called youthful, but compared to the frail 92-year-old incumbent, he represents vitality. Unlike rivals Akere Muna and Joshua Osih, Tchiroma also exudes a certain dynamism, reaching beyond his traditional base to court new constituencies, particularly Anglophones at home and abroad.
Tchiromaโs personal story deepens this appeal. In recent interviews, he’s showcased his bilingualism, speaking in both French and English. By no means the only bilingual candidate in the running, his is more remarkable, as he revealed that he taught himself English while imprisoned as a political detaineeโan act of autodidactic (self-taught) resilience. In a nation fractured by its AnglophoneโFrancophone divide, this linguistic dexterity symbolises a willingness to bridge divides and gestures towards reconciliation and inclusion.
๐๐ก๐ฒ ๐๐๐ก๐ข๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ๐ ๐๐๐ฒ ๐๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐๐ญ๐ซ๐จ๐ง๐ ๐๐ฌ๐ญ ๐๐ฉ๐ฉ๐จ๐ฌ๐ข๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง ๐๐๐ง๐๐ข๐๐๐ญ๐
1.๐น๐๐๐ ๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐ โ๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐. For decades, Tchiroma served in senior ministerial roles, representing the Front for the National Salvation of Cameroon party (FNSC) within Biyaโs ruling CPDM government. This gave him intimate knowledge of state machinery and broad national recognition. His resignation in June 2025 marked a dramatic ruptureโa crossing of the Rubicon from loyal insider to outspoken critic. Though some may dismiss this as opportunism, in a stagnant political environment even imperfect reform carries greater weight than empty continuity.
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๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐ข๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐ฆ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ก๐๐๐
Tchiromaโs roots in northern Cameroon, a strategic electoral region, grant him a natural support base. His reconciliation with his politically influential brother Hassana shortly before the election strengthens this bloc further. This regional loyaltyโFar North, North, and Adamawaโif consolidated, could become a decisive national advantage for Tchiroma. In recent months, youths in these regions have expressed their aversion to the ruling party by burning CPDM paraphernalia and chasing away its representatives.
3.๐๐๐๐๐๐ก๐ข๐ ๐๐ ๐ ๐๐๐๐๐ก๐ข๐๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐ก๐๐๐
The disqualification of Maurice Kamto, once Biyaโs most formidable challenger, left the opposition without a clear leader. Tchiroma stepped into this vacuum, calling for coalition-building in a field weary of division. His willingness to unite disparate groups positions him as a consensus figure in an otherwise fragmented contest. Arguably, a unified opposition with a single candidate is the only chance of defeating an incumbent in an unfair race where the state machinery is heavily tilted to favour the ruling party.
- ๐ด ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ก๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐ก ๐๐๐๐ก๐๐๐๐
Unlike rivals who promise billions for the treasury within months of taking office, Tchiroma grounds his programme in achievable reforms: reviving technical education, decentralisation, institutional renewal, and social cohesion. Central to his agenda is the release of political prisonersโa step that could mark a turning point in resolving both the Anglophone Crisis and the conflict with Boko Haram in the Far North.
๐๐ก๐ฒ ๐๐ฎ๐ง๐, ๐๐๐ฆ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ง๐ ๐๐ญ๐ก๐๐ซ๐ฌ ๐๐ก๐จ๐ฎ๐ฅ๐ ๐๐๐ฅ๐ฅ๐ฒ ๐๐๐ก๐ข๐ง๐ ๐๐๐ก๐ข๐ซ๐จ๐ฆ๐
The real question is not whether Tchiroma is flawless, but whether he represents the oppositionโs best chance to break Biyaโs four-decade stranglehold on power. History shows the regime thrives on fragmentation: multiple challengers divide the vote, making victory impossible. A united front, however imperfect, could change that equation.
Muna, Osih, and Kamto command loyal but limited constituencies. Alone, they cannot rival the ruling partyโs mammoth machinery. Together, under one solid bloc, they could consolidate critical votes.
With the electorate in flux, momentum must be seized as October approaches. Tchiromaโs openness to coalition-building makes him a pragmatic pivot around whom disparate forces could coalesce. By aligning behind him, the opposition would not only amplify their own relevance but also construct a credible, inclusive, powerful, and regionally balanced alternative to Biya. In a political landscape long defined by fragmentation, such unity could transform the bizarre spectacle of 2025 into the first genuine contest for power in our generation.
Maurice Kamtoโs disqualification from the race smacks of a calculated ploy by the regime to remove one of the oppositionโs strongest candidates. Yet Kamto could still be kingmaker. Although his influence has often been curtailed by state repression, including imprisonment in 2019, he remains an important cog in any oppositionโs wheel with an enviable mass of supporters. It would be a monumental mistake if the opposition failed to secure his support.
Meanwhile, Akere Muna, the eminent lawyer and anti-corruption advocate, remains in the race. The scion of a political dynasty, he has nevertheless distinguished himself admirably by merit and integrity. He brings legal acumen and an international profile to promote democracy, human rights, and transparency in governance.
Issa Tchiromaโs role will be to anchor governance structures and ensure that essential state functions endure during transition. Yet continuity alone is insufficient: it must be complemented by the expertise, legitimacy, and moral authority of new actors who represent diverse political and social constituencies.
The success of a government under Tchiroma will rest on whether these figuresโKamto, Muna, Tchiroma, and their contemporaries โ ๐๐๐ง ๐ญ๐ซ๐๐ง๐ฌ๐๐๐ง๐ ๐ซ๐ข๐ฏ๐๐ฅ๐ซ๐ฒ ๐ญ๐จ ๐๐ฆ๐๐จ๐๐ฒ ๐๐จ๐ฅ๐ฅ๐๐๐จ๐ซ๐๐ญ๐ข๐จ๐ง. If they inspire trust, uphold ethical standards, and command the confidence of the people, this moment may become a genuine turning point for the country.
Tchiroma provides continuity, acting as the link between Cameroonโs past and its uncertain future. His presence helps ensure that core state services and governance structures continue without disruption.
The responsibilities of this coalition go beyond politics. They represent a spectrum of factions and interest groups, fostering dialogue, compromise, and consensus on the new rules and frameworks that will define national life.
Whether they succeed will depend on their ability to build trust beyond their personal ambitions, uphold ethical standards, and maintain the confidence of the people.
Tchiroma seems to be poised to lead the country into a new, democratic dawn. Will he succeed?