When Jeune Afrique splashed the headline, “Is Cameroon’s opposition the dumbest in Africa?”, it was not an act of rigorous journalism. It was provocation, designed to grab attention. But in reducing Cameroon’s complex political dynamics to caricature, the magazine revealed more about its own editorial posture than about the reality on the ground.
A Pattern of Asymmetry
For years, Jeune Afrique’s coverage of Cameroon has swung between two poles. On one side are reflective portraits of Paul Biya, “Paul Biya intime”, “Le mystère Paul Biya” which portray him as enigmatic, calculating, and almost untouchable. On the other side are mocking depictions of the opposition, now branded the “dumbest in Africa.”
This asymmetry matters. It normalises the longevity of an authoritarian regime while trivialising the struggles of those who challenge it. Opposition figures are flattened into stereotypes of incompetence, while the ruling elite are given the benefit of complexity, nuance, and even mystique. That is not balance. It is bias disguised as analysis.
Coalitions Are Not Always the Answer
The absence of a grand opposition coalition in Cameroon is not proof of stupidity. It is a conscious calculation. Across Africa, coalitions stitched together solely to oust incumbents have collapsed into dysfunction once in power. When the only point of unity is resentment of the ruler, governance becomes paralysed.
Cameroon’s opposition leaders understand this. They know that a fragile coalition may remove Paul Biya, but it could also plunge the country into chaos afterwards. Far better to build a party with coherent vision, strategy, and grassroots strength.
Senegal offers the lesson. Against Macky Sall, there were many opposition parties. Victory did not come from a forced coalition. It came from one party’s disciplined mobilisation and strategic clarity. Cameroon can learn from that model.
The CPDM’s Shrinking Base
Contrary to Jeune Afrique’s framing, the CPDM is not an unbeatable machine. In 2018, Biya secured just over 2.5 million votes. Of those, about 1.5 million came from the Grand North. Today, that fortress is cracking: Issa Tchiroma Bakary and Bello Bouba Maigari, once Biya’s crucial allies, have stepped away.
With over eight million registered voters today, the CPDM’s margin is thinner than ever. Its electoral dominance has been hollowed out by voter fatigue, demographic shifts, and the loss of its northern pillars.
The Kamto Factor
Maurice Kamto’s disqualification was meant to sideline him. Yet it could become decisive. If Kamto channels his popular support behind a credible opposition candidate, the balance could tip. Even a narrow victory — by thousands, even hundreds of votes — would be enough. And unlike a shaky coalition, a single-party win would give the new leadership the mandate to implement its manifesto without infighting.
What Jeune Afrique Refuses to See
By resorting to insults, Jeune Afrique obscures these realities. It ignores the deliberate strategic caution of opposition leaders who refuse to sign up for chaos. It ignores the CPDM’s shrinking strongholds and waning popularity. It ignores the silenced frustrations of ordinary Cameroonians, who are not apathetic but suppressed.
Most of all, it ignores its own role. When Paris-based editors describe Biya as “mysterious” but brand the opposition “dumb,” they do not speak truth to power. They reinforce it.
A More Honest Question
The real question is not whether Cameroon’s opposition is “the dumbest in Africa.” It is whether it can be the most disciplined, the most strategic, and the most connected to the people it hopes to serve.
Cameroon does not need a coalition of convenience. It needs a party strong enough to defeat Biya at the ballot box and govern responsibly afterwards.
Jeune Afrique owes Cameroonians more than lazy stereotypes. Our politics are messy and constrained, yes. But they are not stupid. They are strategic, and they may yet surprise those who underestimate them.
